Was Ranil Wickremesinghe target of political witch hunt?

Wickremesinghe has many faults and flaws but was never perceived as a person lacking  financial integrity

History was made when 76-year-old Ranil Sriyan Wickremesinghe was arrested by the Sri Lankan Police Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on charges of alleged corruption and misappropriation of public funds amounting to a little over Rs. 16.6 million and produced before the Colombo Fort Magistrate on 22 August 2025. He was charged under Section 5(1) of the Public Property Act and Sections 386 and 388 of the Penal Code. 

Six times Prime Minister Wickremesinghe who served as the eighth Executive President of Sri Lanka from 2022 to 2024 was remanded for four days until 26 August by the magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura. A manacled Ranil was taken away from court precincts in a Black Maria. Ranil Wickremesinghe thus became the first Sri Lankan ex-President and former Prime Minister to be arrested and remanded in the history of Sri Lanka.

Twists of fate

The arrest and remand of Ranil Wickremesinghe made this writer ponder a while on the bizarre twists of fate. Ranil Wickremesinghe is a person who was born with the proverbial silver spoon in his mouth. His paternal grandfather C.L. Wickremesinghe belonged to the prestigious Ceylon Civil service. His maternal grandfather D.R. Wijewardene was a powerful press baron and land owner. Ranil’s father Esmond Wickremesinghe, a lawyer by profession, married D.R. Wijewardene’s daughter Nalini. He was for many years the Managing Director of the “Lake House” group of newspapers.

Unlike many politicians who enriched themselves through dubious means after entering politics, Ranil is one who was never corrupt personally. Wickremesinghe has many faults and flaws but was never perceived as a person lacking financial integrity.

This image has been dented in recent times. He has been accused of “crony capitalism” and of turning a blind eye at times to party members and friends minting money through shady deals. Ranil has been severely criticised for that tendency. Despite this criticism, no credible allegation of Ranil being personally corrupt has ever been proved or validated. This is because it simply was not true.

“Mr. Clean”

Ranil enjoyed a clean, incorruptible image for many years. His reputation as “Mr. Clean” underwent a battering when the Central Bank treasury bond scandal erupted. His opponents used that to launch a vicious attack on his honesty and integrity. He was quizzed on the matter by authorities but nothing substantially detrimental was proved against him. Nevertheless his detractors and rivals continue to fling mud at him over this issue. It has to be admitted that the sheen of Ranil’s clean image has been somewhat eroded in public perception due to the treasury bond issue. This does not mean that Ranil was guilty of any wrong doing.

The current Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led National People’s Power (NPP) Government was harping on the treasury bond matter for many when in the opposition. It was used for anti-Ranil propaganda during the 2024 Presidential election campaign too. Despite all this Wickremesinghe has not been charged over the so called Treasury bond affair involving an alleged fraud costing billions of rupees. Instead he is being accused of playing out Rs. 16.6 million only.

Another point regarding Ranil that this writer has been reflecting upon is this. Ranil who was a Member of Parliament for more than four decades is one who has not availed of many perks and privileges that he was entitled to as a MP. He has never used the duty-free import permit provision to purchase a vehicle. His parliamentary emoluments went into a Trust set up for charitable purposes. Wickremesinghe has reportedly donated much of his property over the years to Buddhist places of worship. 

House bequeathed to Royal

Even his residence on 5th lane, Kollupitiya has been bequeathed to his Alma Mater Royal College. Given the current real estate market rates in Colombo, the value of the Wickremesinghe owned house and lands in Kollupitiya is likely to be many, many millions. Ranil and his spouse Dr. Maithree Wickremesinghe have had no qualms about giving it away voluntarily after they are no more. They have no children but then the house could always have been kept in the family by giving it to a niece or nephew. 

However the Wickremesinghes were magnanimous in bequeathing their valuable house and property to a Government-run educational institution. Yet in an ironic twist, Ranil Wickremesinghe the generous donor of property costing multi-millions has been charged with “swindling” the Government of a fraction of that huge amount. 

Furthermore a vicious campaign has been launched to tarnish Ranil’s reputation as a thief and criminal. This has escalated after his arrest. Would Ranil who refrained from utilising his vehicle import permits and donated property of great value have really siphoned off cash from Government funds to squander on a personal trip? Prosecuting a person who has given his inherited wealth away of allegedly misappropriating public money for private gain is the unkindest cut of all!

The arrest of Wickremesinghe is being justified by the Government, its supporters and the anti-Ranil elements as an example of “equality before the law”. It is being stated that this Government is courageous enough to let the law take its course against even a former President. This of course is commendable. However the question that troubles many people is about the nature of the action taken against Wickremesinghe. It strongly smacks of a political vendetta more than being an instance of political accountability. The legal nuts and bolts may be intact but the legitimacy of the exercise is very much in doubt

Health condition

Destiny however has been kinder in a way towards Ranil. He was spared the ignominy of being locked up in a prison cell after being remanded. The former President’s health condition worsened after being taken to the Magazine prison. He was moved to the Welikada prison hospital and transferred from there to the Colombo National Hospital. He was admitted to the Intensive Care Unit there. 

Consequently it was diagnosed that Wickremesinghe was suffering from three blocked arteries, necrosis of heart tissues, diabetes, and a lung infection. These conditions were not outwardly visible. He had been afflicted by heart ailments for the past seven years.

When the case was taken up again on 26 August at the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s court, Ranil Wickremesinghe was unable to attend court due to his health condition. The former President marked his presence in court through Zoom via Internet from his hospital bed at the National Hospital ICU.

Though Wickremesinghe was not present physically in court, hundreds of lawyers were present in court to register their solidarity and support for him. A panel of lawyers led by former Attorney-General and Ex-Minister Tilak Marapana and senior President’s Counsel Anuja Premaratne appeared on behalf of Ranil and sought bail for the former President on health grounds. Medical reports pertaining to Wickremesinghe’s current health condition were submitted in detail to court.

Exceptional circumstances for bail

The Attorney-General’s Department had earlier opposed the granting of bail to Wickremesinghe. Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris had stated in court that the “suspect” had been charged under the Public Property Act and therefore bail could not be granted except under “exceptional circumstances.” He had wanted Wickremesinghe to be remanded while the case was being heard.

Colombo Fort Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura after hearing both sides and examining the medical records granted bail to ex-president Ranil Wickremesinghe. Despite being charged under the public property act, the learned magistrate opined that Wickremesinghe’s current health was sufficient grounds to grant bail under exceptional circumstances.

Wickremesinghe was released on three surety bails of Rs. 5 million each. The case will be heard next on 29 October 2025. The granting of bail was hailed with great joy by well-wishers and supporters of Ranil Wickremesinghe. Ranil will continue to be in the ICU for a few more days.

Equality before the law

The arrest of Wickremesinghe is being justified by the Government, its supporters and the anti-Ranil elements as an example of “equality before the law”. It is being stated that this Government is courageous enough to let the law take its course against even a former President. This of course is commendable.

Political vendetta

However the question that troubles many people is about the nature of the action taken against Wickremesinghe. It strongly smacks of a political vendetta more than being an instance of political accountability. The legal nuts and bolts may be intact but the legitimacy of the exercise is very much in doubt. In short Ranil Wickremesinghe seems to be the target of a political witch hunt by the JVP.

Chief among the reasons for the JVP antipathy towards Ranil Wickremesinghe is the fact that he is the only member of the old United National Party (UNP) Government of JR Jayewardene and Ranasinghe Premadasa who is yet active in politics now. Furthermore Ranil is the nephew of JR. In order to understand the current JVP attitude over Wickremesinghe, it is necessary to make a brief re-run into recent history.

JVP history

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led by Rohana Wijeweera in 1971 launched an armed insurrection when the United Front Government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike was in power. It was cruelly and brutally crushed with the aid of several countries. This is commonly referred to as the first JVP insurgency. Wijeweera and several top rung JVP members were jailed.

The UNP led by JR Jayewardene won a landslide election and formed a Government in 1977. JR “pardoned” Wijeweera and others and released them. The JVP proscription was lifted. The JVP entered the political mainstream. Wijeweera even contested the 1982 Presidential elections and finished third. However when the anti-Tamil pogrom – aided and abetted by UNP elements – occurred in July 1983, President Jayewardene blamed the JVP falsely and banned the party. Wijeweera and other JVP stalwarts went underground.

Meanwhile the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis had escalated over the years into a brutal armed conflict. The India-Sri Lanka Accord was signed by former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and ex-Sri Lanka president Junius Richard (JR) Jayewardene on 29 July 1987 in Colombo. The pact known generally as the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed for the laudable objective of ushering in peace. A ceasefire was declared and Indian army personnel with the nomenclature of Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) were stationed in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the island to maintain peace.

Instead of ushering in a durable peace as expected, the Indo-Lanka Accord paved the way for more violence and bloodshed. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) led by its supremo Veluppillai Prabhakaran refused to accept the accord and went back to war. Soon a full-fledged guerrilla war was waged by the LTTE against the IPKF in the North and East. 

Meanwhile the national socialist JVP led by Rohana Wijeweera also opposed the Indo-Lanka Accord and engaged in armed resistance in the predominantly Sinhala areas. This is referred to as the second JVP insurgency. War was waged against the United National Party (UNP) Governments of President J.R. Jayewardene and his successor President Ranasinghe Premadasa. The conflict began in 1987 when JR was President and ended in 1989/90 under President Premadasa.

Second JVP insurgency

The second JVP insurgency lasting for more than three years resulted in thousands of people being brutally killed by both the JVP as well as the counter insurgency forces comprising Police, paramilitary and security personnel. Tens of thousands of Sinhala youth were massacred by agents of the State. Thousands were incarcerated. Hundreds went underground. Rohana Wijeweera, his deputy Upatissa Gamanayake along with 14 of the 15 member JVP Politburo were killed. The only JVP Politburo member to survive was Somawansa Amerasinghe. He escaped to India and from there went to Europe.

Most of the JVP top leaders today including Anura Kumara Dissanayake, ministers Bimal Rathnayake, Vijitha Herath and secretary Tilvin Silva were members of the JVP during this second JVP insurgency period. They underwent much suffering and witnessed the violence unleashed against their comrades. To this second generation JVP stalwarts the first insurgency during Mrs. Bandaranaike’s reign was only a distant memory. To them the reality was the bitter experience they underwent during UNP rule. They hate that UNP Government with a passionate vengeance.

Ranil Wickremesinghe is the last cabinet minister from those UNP Governments who is active in politics today. Besides he has been leading the UNP for the last 30 years. Ranil in that sense represents and symbolises the UNP to the JVP. 

JVP resentment

The JVP resentment towards Ranil is further compounded by the class divide. Ranil comes from a privileged class that is generally resented by the JVP. This feeling of resentment is prevalent among a larger segment of our society against another smaller segment of our society.

This resentment between segments of our society is clearly illustrated by the “ragging” in our universities. It is well known that freshers from prestigious schools and proficient in the English language are ragged severely if “caught” by seniors belonging to the larger, less privileged segment of society. Interestingly this resentment is also a reason for the subterranean hostility within hard core JVP cadres towards their so called comrades the NPP members.

Viewed against this backdrop, the JVP resentment towards Ranil Wickremesinghe is great because he is also the great class enemy. For many years there has existed much hatred against Ranil in the hearts and minds of hard core JVP elements. To them Ranil epitomises the “evil elite”. 

Yet the JVP has worked together and even collaborated with Wickremesinghe in the past especially during the Yahapalanaya period. It is now apparent that the anti-Ranil attitude though subdued had always continued to exist in the JVP.

Real face

It appears that even Ranil realised this duplicitous nature of the crimson comrades only when he was victimised. Ranil’s message prior to being taken away to prison in a Black Maria referred to “the real face of the present administration has been uncovered”. These simple words possess layers of meaning in the current context.

Head to Head show

The simmering anti-Ranil tensions within the JVP got aggravated by the Batalanda factor. This was sparked in early March this year when Wickremesinghe appeared on a TV show in Britain. Ranil Wickremesinghe was interviewed by British journalist Mehdi Hasan for the “Head to Head” show on Al-Jazeerah TV. One of the questions raised by Hasan was about the infamous Batalanda Commission report. Wickremesinghe denied the existence of such a report. When a copy of the report was produced, Ranil retorted feebly that the report was never tabled in Parliament. This was incorrect.

The TV show created a furore in Sri Lanka. When the JVP launched its second insurrection from the years 1987 to 1990, the then UNP Government cracked down hard. The JVP revolt was suppressed brutally. As stated earlier, thousands of youths were killed or made to disappear. Thousands were incarcerated and tortured. Among the many detention cum torture camps set up by the State, the detention centre at Batalanda had a terrible reputation.

Batalanda

This detention centre was located in the housing complex of the state fertiliser corporation at Batalanda which was in the Biyagama electoral division. Ranil Wickremesinghe had been elected to Parliament from the Biyagama electorate in 1977. Ranil had reportedly played a part in acquiring buildings from the Batalanda housing complex to set up the centre.

Wickremesinghe however had no involvement in what transpired at the detention centre. The Batalanda camp acquired a horrible image as a hellhole of torture and unofficial executions. Wickremesinghe’s political opponents of different hues have in the past tried to portray him as being directly involved in the torture. 

When Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga became President in 1994, she set up a number of commissions of inquiry. One of these was on the Batalanda detention centre. There was much speculation then that President Kumaratunga had set up the Batalanda commission of inquiry to “fix” her chief political rival Wickremesinghe. The Commission however could not find any evidence incriminating Wickremesinghe as having engaged in torture activity at Batalanda.

This however did not deter Ranil’s political adversaries or critics from raising the Batalanda bogey against him frequently. So when Batalanda figured in the Al Jazeera TV show, the controversy erupted again. The JVP whose members and supporters were the alleged victims of Batalanda was expected to mete out justice to the alleged perpetrators. The JVP breakaway group Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) raised the issue and dared the JVP Government to take action over Batalanda and by extension Wickremesinghe. 

Cabinet Minister of Transport and Aviation Bimal Rathnayaka announced that Wickremesinghe would soon be prosecuted. Several other JVP stalwarts made ominous remarks that Ranil would soon be penalised for his alleged offences in the past. The JVP-led NPP Government then tried to revive the Batalanda issue again. There was much pressure on the leadership from the rank and file. Initially there was hope in JVP circles that Wickremesinghe could be penalised over Batalanda. 

A debate was held in Parliament on Batalanda. It soon became apparent that the move to raise the spectre of Batalanda after 35 years was going to be counterproductive. The opposition began to speak in Parliament about the brutalities of the JVP during the insurgency. Even though the cadres of the JVP were cruelly massacred by the agents of the Sri Lankan state, the JVP hands were not clean either.

JVP violence

During the three-year period from 1987 to 1990, 487 public servants, 342 policemen, 209 security personnel, 16 political leaders, and 4,945 civilians of other descriptions were said to have been killed by the JVP. This tally included 30 Buddhist monks, two Catholic priests, 52 school principals, four medical doctors, 18 estate superintendents and 27 trade unionists. It also includes family members of 93 policemen and 69 servicemen.

Clean hands

The JVP hierarchy soon realised the wisdom of the adage “seeking justice with clean hands”. When efforts to expose the Batalanda horrors were undertaken, the causes that led to such cruelty would also be focused upon. Memories of the JVP’s past atrocities would be resurrected. The JVP had used the NPP camouflage to make the people forget negative aspects of the past and look forward to a positive future. Now there was a danger of people remembering the “old” JVP and its violent history.

And so the plans of reviving the Batalanda bogey and penalising Wickremesinghe were jettisoned. The JVP began thinking of other ways to punish Ranil. Being in the seat of power, it was now possible for the JVP to teach lessons to their political opponents if they so desired.

Plot to penalise

A plot to penalise Wickremesinghe was hatched. Meanwhile the political activities of Wickremesinghe began to irk the JVP. Some JVP circles began to feel threatened politically. Hence there emerged a sense of urgency within JVP folds about the need to silence or restrict Ranil. Therefore the JVP decided to target Ranil. The political witch hunt launched against Wickremesinghe will be delved into in greater detail in a future article.

(The writer can be reached at [email protected].)