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JVP Leader MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake
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Amidst growing public unrest and a worsening economic situation, the JVP/NPP has led the charge against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa calling for his resignation and an early parliamentary election. This comes amidst allegation levelled at the JVP by the ruling party that its members were behind the violence unleashed against SLPP members in May and its cadres had infiltrated the Galle Face protests politicising the movement. In an interview with the Daily FT, JVP Leader MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake addressed these allegations and spoke on the Party’s future outlook which includes friendly relations with India, working with the private sector for the betterment of the country and its plans to attract new voters.
Here are excerpts of the interview.
By Chandani Kirinde
Q: It’s been over a month since Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed Prime Minister. What is your assessment on his handling of the situation?
Ranil Wickremesinghe is not the solution to this crisis. There are two reasons he was chosen to be PM. One is political, and one is linked to the economic situation. He was appointed Prime Minister as he is the only person who is not a threat to them (the Rajapaksas). He has no political future, and he is a trustworthy ally of the Rajapaksas who will ensure the safety of his family.
On the economic front they felt Ranil Wickremesinghe might be able to secure some loans and help sell off more of the country’s assets. People will soon realise that loans are not given based on friendships. There must be stability and confidence in the government. After a month in office, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become the spokesman for this crisis. His duty is informing the public of how bad the situation is and he has resorted to fear mongering. First, he said there is fuel for a day, then he said a trillion rupees will have to be printed and people will be forced to have only two meals a day. He is exaggerating the situation. He has become only a bearer of bad news but hasn’t taken any meaningful steps to address this problem. He is an extreme opportunist.
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Q: What would he gain by making the situation seem worse than it really is?
That is a political ploy. One is to scare people and the other is to exaggerate the situation so that in a few weeks when the real situation is revealed, it will be portrayed as a victory for him. For example, he says you have to print one trillion rupees but instead if only Rs. 600 million is printed, he will portray it as a success of his policies.
Q: How long do you think Ranil Wickremesinghe will last as PM?
What the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and others proposed was an interim all-party government that would provide short-term solutions to stabilise the economy following which a general election can be held. But Ranil Wickremesinghe does not head an interim government with a clear-cut plan. His plan is to stay on for the next two years. He is the lone UNP MP and has to depend on the support of the SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) MPs for survival. How long he’ll last as Prime Minister will be decided by Basil Rajapaksa.
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Q: You want early elections. How feasible is it to hold elections in the current climate?
We need to stabilise the political and economic situation first. There have been unstable governments in the country in the past and twice when the President and Prime Minister were from different parties which led to infighting and instability. Today both the executive and legislature are in the hands of one party, but the problem is the public doesn’t accept them and rejects any form of government they put together. So, the only way to bring about political stability is to get a fresh mandate.
We know that when a new government is installed, the solutions to the economic problems can be found within a short period. Voters usually give a grace period of a year or year and half for a new government to solve problems and with this goodwill we can achieve stability. The Government must give a specific timeframe within which it will go for an election after providing short-term solutions to stabilise the economy. There can be no stability with a government in which people have no confidence.
Q: What is your Party’s role in the Aragalaya?
We have always stood up against the policies of this Government and against corruption, but the recent struggle is a bigger one with the public at large standing up against the corruption system irrespective of their political affiliations. Up until now, youth have largely shunned politics and shown a dislike for it. The young people saw it as a place unsuitable for them, but it was for elders. But today they understand that the decisions taken by these elders have destroyed the lives of the youth and their future. Hence there is a fair criticism of this system among the youth. The Aragalaya highlights their expectations for their future. There are some young people from our party who were at Galle Face to show solidarity with the cause of the protesters, but the JVP is not in any way involved in an organised manner in the Aragalaya.
Q: The Government has pointedly blamed the JVP for the violence that resulted in the killings and burning of property of ruling party MPs/supporters in May? How do you respond to these allegations?
The whole strategy of the Government is to pin the blame for the violence on one party. The majority among the youth who are protesting today are those who voted for Gotabaya Rajapaksa. During his election campaign, segments of the society who had till then kept away from politics got heavily involved in his campaign. In particular those representing the private sector got heavily involved and built up expectations which were not realistic. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s image was bolstered so as to attract voters. But when it came to governance, we saw that his promises were all hollow and voters soon found they were duped. This in turn has led to hostility and anger against the rulers. The Government is trying to shift the focus to different parties to deviate from this fact that this is a genuine people’s uprising.
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Q: But there were widespread attacks on Government politicians/supporters on the night of 9 May and the day after. The allegation is that JVP members were behind the violence?
Till 9 May, for a month the Galle Face protests were peaceful without even a stone being hurled at anyone. The problem was created by Mahinda Rajapaksa who was hungry to cling onto power. He did not call his supporters to Temple Trees with an intention to resign. If that was so he would have announced it to the crowd that day. His plan was to threaten, intimidate and chase away the protesters. It was an inhuman attack on the protesters and cannot be endorsed in a civilised world. This angered the public and resulted in the attacks on Government politicians and supporters. Our party was in no way involved in these attacks.
In the past 32 years, after the end of the 1989/90 period, in our interactions with the public, we have expressed our remorse for the violence of that period. While acknowledging the mistakes we made, we have put ourselves on the right path. During several past elections, our party cadres have been attacked, several killed and injured but we have not retaliated in any way. At a time, we have made a clean break from the past, there is no use for us to get involved in violence. The JVP is now attracting the attention of a segment of voters who did not have a favourable outlook on us in the past and these include those in business sectors and those in urban society and were among those critical of our party’s role in the 89/90 period.
When I spoke in Parliament on 12 May, no one from the JVP had been taken into custody in connection with this violence. But after that there was a systematic plan to lay the blame on us and the authorities began arresting our cadres. Parliament had planned two days for debate on the violence, but it was extended for four days, and the debate was used to blame the JVP for the violence. We condemn the incidents of 9 May. The JVP had nothing to do with these attacks.
Q: The JVP was proscribed following the 1983 riots. Do you fear the Government could be heading for a crackdown on your party?
In 1983 the JVP had no involvement in the violence directed at the Tamil community. In fact, our cadres in different areas of the country protected Tamil people in villages where possible. We stood up against the violence but the government at the time blamed the JVP for the violence and proscribed our Party. A similar thing is happening now. I was on a program on a private television station on the night of 9 May and I appealed for calm and asked people to desist from violence. It is to the advantage of the Government if the people’s struggle turns violent. Violence only serves the Government hence there is a reasonable suspicion if the violence was allowed to continue without intervention by the Police and Army.
Q: Has the JVP shut the door to violence for good?
There is definitely no room for violence again. When I took over the leadership of the JVP in 2014, I said that the days of struggles of bayonets against bayonets were over. Now it’s a clash of ideas. The clash between ideas is beneficial to us. We have enough to say about those who have governed this country, but they have nothing to say against us. They always fall back on the ‘89/’90 period to criticise us. They can only talk about events that took place 32 years ago.
In the present day we are on the correct path and have worked to strengthen democracy. For example, if we did not form the probationary government with then President Chandrika Kumaratunga in 2001, the 17th Amendment to the Constitution would not have been enacted. We also supported the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. We stand for democracy and will work within the democratic framework. We are for the free exchange of ideas and will not accept violence as a solution to any problem.
Q: What link do you have with the Frontline Socialist Party?
On an invitation by the FSP, the NPP held a discussion with them. During these talks we found that their ideas and ours do not match. We are committed to working within the parliamentary system to bring about the necessary system changes whereas they want to achieve these objectives outside the parliamentary system. These are two conflicting positions and hence we cannot work with the FSP.
Q: Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected for a five-year term. Is it right to ask him to step down mid-way?
At any time, a president is elected, at least 40% of the voters are against him and they can hold protests and ask him to go home at any time. But if the president heeds such calls, no president will be able to govern. But what this president has to realise is that those calling on him to step down are not aligned to any one political party or group. Instead it’s a people’s movement that has erupted across the country. He can ask his intelligence services for a report and make his own assessment on this.
By the President’s own admission, policies taken by him have led to the current economic crises and he thus admits he is the creator of the present crisis. He has the constitutional power to hold office, but he has no moral right to continue as President. Within two and a half years he has done so much irreparable damage to this country which is why we have asked him to go.
Q: Shouldn’t those who brought about this situation be held accountable?
Yes, they must all be held accountable and punished for what they have done. It’s not only the wrong policy decisions but they have engaged in corruption and robbed the country. To ensure that these people are punished, the public have to ensure that they vote for those who will hold this set of rulers accountable. A corrupt person will never punish another corrupt person. A criminal will not punish another criminal. The economic crisis was caused by corrupt politicians and officials, and they must be replaced by persons who are honest and committed to serve the public. For that people must not fall into the same trap once again when an election is held by being swayed by traditional party politics.
People must ensure that they don’t get hoodwinked over and over again by the same people. The current set of rulers treat the public as slaves and the voters, by electing the same people over and over again also let them continue in the same manner. The public has enabled these politicians to bring about this kind of destruction to the country. I hope that in the face of the present crisis, people will make more intelligent choices by not looking at personal or instantaneous benefits they can gain from such politicians but take into consideration that it is the future of their own children and that of the country that will be ruined if they make the wrong choice again.
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Q: The private sector heavily backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa. What is the JVP’s approach to dealing with this sector which is vital for the economic growth of the country?
We believe the private sector is important for our economy. Today those in private businesses are on the verge of collapse as there is uncertainty. The ad hoc policies of the Government with regard to taxes, imports, etc. have led to the uncertainty. We want the private sector to work towards the targets that the Government sets. For example, we need to set targets to be met for the tourism industry by 2030 and then get the private sector involved to meet those targets. There are limited opportunities in rural areas, and we would like the private sector to expand to these areas as well. We are also against monopolies. Instead, there must be competitive business. We are in discussions with those in this sector.
We understand that some sections in the private sector have reservations about us but that is mainly based on what has been told to them by others and hence we are engaging directly with them to explain our policies. The private and State sector do not need to compete against each other but can complement each other and work for the betterment of the country.
Q: The JVP has a limited vote base. What are you doing to attract new voters?
We began by setting up the Jathika Jana Balawegaya (National People’s Power) party with the intention of expanding our voter base and attracting new voters. The problem we face is that the public cannot visualise what a JVP government would be like. They know what a UNP government would be like or how an SLFP or SLPP government is like. Hence, we are attempting to have a leadership council and introduce a set of leaders so that the public have a clearer picture of what a JVP-led government would be like.
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Q: What kind of foreign policy would a JVP-led government follow and how would it handle relations with India?
There was a time when the world was divided into the socialist and capitalist blocs. Our policies in the past were based on such divisions. In 1991 the socialist world collapsed and by now the world order has completely changed with new power blocs emerging. In this global context, Sri Lanka is a small country with a small economy but because of our strategic location, many powerful countries in the world have sought to intervene in Sri Lanka and have kept a close watch on what is happening in our country. Our position is that we can only go forward politically and economically with some sort of agreement with India.
We cannot have a political or economic agenda in our country which either ignores or forgets India. That is the reality. Some of the foreign policy decisions adopted by our rulers in the recent past have put us in confrontation with India. Sri Lanka and India are bound by close cultural and economic ties while geographically too we are close. We have to explore ways to enter the huge Indian markets particularly of South Indian states which are in close proximity to us. We are an independent and sovereign country, but we also have to be aware of the geopolitical realities in the region and the world that are at play. We have to accept these realities and work for the betterment of our country.