Thursday Dec 12, 2024
Tuesday, 29 March 2022 00:32 - - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa met a delegation of the Tamil National Alliance last week. This was the first official meeting between the President and the elected representatives of the Sri Lankan Tamil community. Despite this delay and many issues outstanding, it is welcomed that both parties have taken a positive approach toward the meeting.
The President for his part has shown willingness to address issues concerning the release of Tamil detainees held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act, illegal landgrabs in the north and the east, the issue of missing persons, necessity for a truth-seeking mechanism and development of the former war zone. The TNA for its part reiterated that it would work under the framework of an undivided and indivisible Sri Lanka. These are encouraging initial steps.
There is enough reason to be sceptical of President Rajapaksa concerning his commitment towards finding a lasting solution to the national question. It is no secret that the current head of state is the most ultra-nationalist individual to hold that office. Since the day of his inauguration, he had articulated that he was elected by a mandate of the Sinhala Buddhist majority.
Through policies such as the forced cremation of Muslim COVID victims, the numerous militarisation and colonisation campaigns launched in the north and the east to change the demographic composition of the region, the numerous task forces established in the guise of the establishing ‘one law one county’ to protecting the archaeological heritage of regions which are ethnically and religiously diverse such as the Eastern Province, President Rajapaksa has furthered an ethno-nationalist hegemonic program on which he was elected.
However, with the economic downturn and the Sinhala Buddhist political base of the President evaporating rapidly, the political calculations have changed. Leading members of the administration who at the beginning were cavalier about the international dimensions of the ethnic issue, are today learning the reach and consequences of such unresolved domestic problems.
Despite the bona fides and intentions of the President, the current economic crisis has in fact opened an opportunity to address the outstanding ethnic problem. From its previous position of ruling with only the consent of the Sinhala Buddhist majority, the Government cannot afford to alienate any segment of the population at present. It should at least now recognise the necessity to engage with all shades of the political spectrum, especially those representing the main minority groups. It has also hopefully understood the linkages of the domestic political issues with the international community.
India through the Indo Lanka Accord of 1987 is a formal stakeholder in the status of the Tamil people in the country. Countries with significant Tamil diaspora populations such as Canada and the United Kingdom have now made the unresolved ethnic issue in Sri Lanka part of their domestic policy. It is significant that the US State Department and the Canadian Foreign Ministry formally held broad discussions with the TNA and numerous diaspora groups last November which will no doubt feed into their Sri Lanka policy formulation. The Tamil national question, due to the very inaction of the Sri Lankan State, has now become an international issue.
The increasing unpopularity of the ruling administration and the President, international pressure and incentives and the willingness of the TNA leadership to take the highroad in its engagement with the Government, have all contributed to opening an opportunity for meaningful dialogue and possible resolution of the national question. While there should be cautious optimism, especially noting the history and record of the individuals concerned, this possibility for a positive outcome should be seized with all might. If there ever was a silver lining to the current economic despair this would be it.