Saturday Dec 14, 2024
Monday, 3 December 2018 00:00 - - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}
It was said in a recent newspaper article that in the early 1990s, the export earnings of Sri Lanka and Bangladesh were roughly on par, approximately about 9 billion US dollars. Today, a quarter of a century later, the writer points out that our exports are a little more than twice that figure, whereas Bangladesh has increased their exports several times over.
A country’s achievements, as much as an individual’s, can be gauged from those they measure themselves against. Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan, emerged as an independent country only in the early 1970s, and that too after a devastating civil war. When the country was part of what constituted Pakistan, it was the poorer half, a common complaint being that they were discriminated against by the politically as well as militarily dominant West Pakistan, receiving only a small share of the national wealth, disproportionate to its size and contribution.
In its early years, Bangladesh was a synonym for hopelessness; huge population, grinding poverty, dim economic prospects and unusually subject to the vagaries of nature. So dire was the state of the newly created country that even small-scale fundraising in its name were welcome, including musical shows. We recall the” Concert for Bangladesh” bringing on one stage the world’s most famous musicians of the era, like Bob Dylan, George Harrison, and Ravi Shankar, a musical plea for a people’s plight.
Export market share is not the only area of endeavour where Sri Lanka has yielded. Although, with the progression of time, there is a natural improvement in economic indicators, there is hardly any area of economic activity in which we have overtaken any comparable country. In fact, we have fallen behind in most aspects, which in real terms means losing market to our competitors. Even in the perennial tea, rubber, and coconut, other producers have overtaken us. In the case of Bangladesh, it is mainly their garment industry that led them forward, an industry in which we had a two-decade lead start.
When it comes to social indicators, like education and health, although statistically nearly everyone has access to them in Sri Lanka today, the actual quality of these services is questionable. There is no better pointer to their doubtful value than the choices made by the empowered: the rich folk and the powerful politicians, for whose health issues and the education of their children, Sri Lankan facilities are simply not good enough. It is said that even for a mere medical check-up, our leaders fly to Singapore. It is very unlikely that children of any of the high and mighty are studying at any of our so-called institutions of higher education. They want the best: only an education in countries like USA, UK or Australia will suffice for their dear children.
Flagrant hypocrisy of the elite aside, the failure to keep up with international educational standards impacts every aspect of society, including the competitiveness of our economy. In many fields today, our professions function as closed shops; faced with competition, the whole structure will be shown as only a pretence at competence.
Nothing is left untouched by the pervasive failure; at the recently held Asian Games, Sri Lanka failed to win a single medal, while several smaller countries, with much less spending and no fanfare, managed to win medals. For several decades cricket has been our only boast. Here too, we are now dropping our catches, it seems.
For many years, our failings were explained away by reference to the instability brought about by terrorist activity. We ignore the fact that prior to or even after the defeat of terrorism, our overall performance has been unimpressive, failing to achieve a growth rate which could propel us towards a developed country status.
In a modern State, it is not possible for the people to decide every issue directly, so they vote in their representatives, such as the President, parliamentarians and local-level members to run the affairs of the country on their behalf. But in an unmade society, that mandate is easily abused, the choice before the people is reduced to merely deciding between a robber and a blackmailer, Twiddle Dee or Twiddle Dum.
The two major political parties dominating the voter are more akin to mafia organisations: everyone is a businessman, manoeuvring only for financial and other benefits and anything goes. Experience has shown that representative democracy functions best where a certain culture can be assumed. In the absence of such a culture, the electoral process can become a sham, a manipulated endorsement of a process of abusing power.
When the economic and social power of the leader is far ahead of that of the voter, the relationship inclines towards one - that of patron /client. In our country, there are political dynasties and families. Inevitably, they are wealthy or accumulate wealth by the power of politics. Like in the old caste system, we seem to interpret politics as a family vocation. Very many of the present Members of Parliament are children of former Members. If a Member is a newcomer, with no history of family politics, you can be sure that he is now grooming his child to succeed him, so launching a new dynasty.
A person taking to politics in Sri Lanka commences a life-time occupation: starting a ‘life of service’ in his late teens, he continues till the end, for there is no retirement age. He is not held to a performance standard, nor a moral code. He may distribute goodies, jobs and favours in order to win votes. The system is of the politicians, created by the politicians for the politicians. Once elected to Parliament, the MP becomes a valuable asset: he is deferred to, doors will open for him. In a corrupt and a cynical culture, they are the only ones who matter.
When there are decisive issues in the Parliament, it is said that a Member may be offered inducements by either side, to vote their way. The MP may cross party lines, and at the next election quite easily obtain nominations from the other side. Even a Member who is defeated at the elections could be appointed to Parliament again through the prevailing list system. If not, there are many top public positions open for him, including ambassadorships.
There is blanket disillusionment about the rotten system that prevails, but there is no will to break out. With a vulnerable economy, weak growth rate, constitutional confusions (Constitutions created by the politicians, only with their subjective interests’ paramount) unwieldy laws, social disorder and corruption defining the country, none can claim a leadership equal to the task.
To the eyes of the world, we display many of the recognised forms of a democratic system; regular elections, political parties, a vibrant media and a public service said to be impartial. But this is only a half-truth, the form belies the substance.
For example, our taxes, like in any democracy, are imposed by the Parliament made up of people’s representatives. But the emoluments of the Parliamentarians are tax free and they award themselves duty-free vehicles and other benefits, including a substantial ‘development’ budget. The persons who impose taxes on society, with that tax money, obtain a plush lifestyle: bungalows, cars with drivers, servants, jobs for family members, bodyguards and much more; comforts that a tax payer may only dream of.
As Shakespeare would say ‘something is rotten in the state of Sri Lanka’: the country is broken and disillusioned, bereft of the spirit to overcome.